Archives par mot-clé : advertising

Video Marketing: Taking Your Showroom Digital

The way that people go about buying cars is shifting. Consumers no longer walk into the showroom and leave it up to the salesman to give them the details. With so many online tools available, buyers are taking things into their own hands.

A 2016 report from the Harvard Business Review notes, “The average U.S. car shopper now spends 11 hours online and only 3.5 hours offline, including trips to dealers, doing research.” Even more telling, 53% of buyers would consider buying a new car online, with no dealership or salesman interaction at all.

As a result of this changing landscape, dealerships must adapt. Although we can’t give buyers everything ahead of time, we can give them the information they need and get them excited about purchasing a car. That’s where video comes in.

Video can be a great way to target potential buyers and, more importantly, it can take the showroom beyond the dealership and directly to the consumer. Let’s take a look at how.

Keep focus on the key features

According to a study in Automotive News, 52% of auto enthusiasts watch videos to evaluate vehicle performance, and 42% of shoppers search inventory on a dealership website as a result of watching online video.

The takeaway? Video works when done right.

Video provides dealers an opportunity to immerse the consumer in all aspects of the vehicle—whether it’s the interior features, the various exterior options, or footage of safety tests, consumers can see things that matter to them without having to go to the dealership.

Another benefit of video is that it’s flexible. Full-length videos can be trimmed in order to feature the most important parts of the video, fit a specific marketing channel, or target a key demographic.

For example, a video focused on safety would appeal most to mothers, while a video touting the vehicle’s horsepower may be more applicable to auto enthusiasts and young adults.

Different features are important to different buyers, and video allows dealers to show the right features to the right buyer using sight, sound, and motion.

Bring the vehicle to the consumer

Video can make the buying process both easier and more immersive for consumers, even when they aren’t in the dealership.

How? The introduction of virtual test drives has permanently altered the process of buying a car.

Dealerships are now able to give drivers a feel for a car and its features without them ever having to step foot in the vehicle. Additionally, virtual tours help give buyers a 360-degree view.

While on the path to purchase, consumers can browse a variety of websites or social channels that will provide information and visual aids for the cars they are considering.

Instead of waiting for a salesperson’s assistance, consumers can take to their computer or mobile device and learn more about their purchase through explainer videos and information.

With virtual test drives and tours, consumers discover what build, features, and color they are looking for before stepping inside the dealership.

Use social media to spread your message

Social media is one branch of this growing tree. Users show their personality on social media, and tend to let their guard down when scrolling and absorbing the advertisements that appear on their screen.

Buying a car represents a major financial investment, and consumers have grown more comfortable coming to their own independent conclusions by researching on mobile.

According to research conducted by Facebook, 71% of consumers will take to their mobile device during the process of purchasing a car.

Furthermore, a report from Marketing Profs states that nearly thre-quarters of millennials say they are more influenced in their buying decisions by social media recommendations than TV ads.

Dealerships can use social media channels to showcase what the buyers want. These channels are able to target users with specific videos that are engineered to take advantage of the platform they appear on.

For example, YouTube is best suited for showcasing walk-arounds and vehicle previews, while Twitter is most effective when short videos are prioritized and pushed to the top of a targeted user’s feed.

Personalized videos are the precursor to personalized experiences that will stick with the user, and social channels are where they are most accessible.

The bottom line

The buyer journey no longer starts in the showroom. It starts at the consumer’s own pace, and it starts on the web. As a dealer, it’s your responsibility to stay with your consumers step by step.

Video marketing and everything that comes with it can make this process simpler. By taking your showroom digital, it becomes more accessible, flexible, and persuasive with the use of sight, sound, and motion.

In this day and age, those two qualities are priceless.

Erik Schear is an advertising veteran with over 20 years of sales experience. As Eyeview’s VP of sales for auto, travel, and new markets, Erik manages various components of Eyeview’s sales team nationwide and enables Eyeview’s partners to achieve ROI with their video advertising spend.

Trump’s embrace of Russia making top advisers wary

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump’s persistent overtures toward Russia are placing him increasingly at odds with his national security and foreign policy advisers, who have long urged a more cautious approach to dealing with the foreign adversary.

The uneasy dynamic between the president and top aides has been exacerbated by the revelation this week of an extended dinner conversation between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin at the recent summit in Germany. The previously undisclosed conversation, which occurred a few hours after their official bilateral meeting, raised red flags with advisers already concerned by the president’s tendency to shun protocol and press ahead with outreach toward Russia, according to two U.S. officials and three top foreign officials.

The officials spoke only on condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.

Deep divisions are increasingly apparent within the administration on the best way to approach Moscow in the midst of U.S. investigations into Russian meddling in the American presidential election. Trump has repeatedly cast doubt on the conclusion of U.S. intelligence agencies that the Russian government sought to tip the election in his favor and has dismissed investigations into the possibility of collusion between his campaign and Moscow as a “witch hunt.”

Meanwhile, he has pushed for cooperation between Moscow and Washington on various matters including the raging conflict in Syria.

But some top aides, including National Security Adviser Gen. H.R. McMaster, have been warning that Putin is not to be trusted. An intelligence officer-turned-politician, Putin is known for steering discussions in his own favor.

The three foreign officials who have spoken with top Trump advisers described a disconnect, or “mixed signals,” between Trump and his team over Russia, highlighting a lack of a clear policy. U.S. officials echoed that sentiment, with one saying diplomats and intelligence officials were “dumbfounded” by the president’s approach, particularly given the evidence of Russia’s election meddling.

McMaster expressed his disapproval of Trump’s course to foreign officials during the lead-up to his trip to Germany. The general specifically said he’d disagreed with Trump’s decision to hold an Oval Office meeting in May with top Russian diplomats and with the president’s general reluctance to speak out against Russian aggression in Europe, according to the three foreign officials.

McMaster and other national security aides also advised the president against holding an official bilateral meeting with Putin.

In a highly unusual move, McMaster did not attend the bilateral meeting with Putin. Only Trump, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and a translator made up the U.S. side.

Meetings with such critical national security implications typically include a broader team, including the national security adviser and a regional specialist from the National Security Council — in this case, the head of the Russia directorate, a position recently filled by Russia expert Fiona Hill.

Foreign and U.S. officials said the Russians recommended that a note taker be present in the bare-bones official bilateral meeting. But Trump, who has repeatedly expressed concern over leaks, refused, instead relying on Tillerson to document the meeting. The session was scheduled for 30 minutes but stretched to more than two hours.

The White House did not respond to questions about Trump’s refusal to have a note taker for his meeting with Putin, or about whether McMaster communicated his concerns to the president.

The formalities and discipline of diplomacy have been a rough fit for Trump, whose reputation as a businessman was that of a freewheeling, impulsive dealmaker.

As for his dinnertime conversation with Putin, unofficial discussions between world leaders over dinner do not violate protocol. But it is unusual and can be risky for a president to speak directly to Putin without a U.S. translator president. He was forced to rely on Russia’s interpreter for the discussion, which reportedly went on for nearly an hour.

“The Russian interpreter probably interpreted very clearly, but the problem is there’s no record of the discussion on the American side,” said Steven Pifer, a former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. It would have been wise for Trump to have his interpreter take notes so there would be a record, he said.

White House spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders was dismissive of the controversy surrounding the Trump-Putin dinner chat, blaming it on a “Russia fever” gripping the media.

She said other presidents, including Barack Obama, had similar informal conversations.

“To act as if this were some secret is absolutely absurd,” she said.

Trump addressed his earlier, official meeting with Putin in an interview with reporters last week onboard Air Force One. The president said that he repeatedly confronted Putin on reports of Russia’s election meddling — interference that Putin staunchly denies. But Trump would not say whether he believed Putin’s denials, as the Russian president claimed.

White House officials said the public may never know what was discussed between Putin and Trump over dinner. But advisers past and present said that characterizing any conversation with Putin as casual would be a mistake.

“There are no meaningless conversations between presidents,” said Jeffrey Edmonds, the NSC’s former Russia director.

“That’s what is so divergent here,” he said. “Relations have been at an all-time low because of Russian meddling in our elections and so it’s hard to see how a meeting with President Putin for an hour during dinner isn’t important.”

___

Associated Press writer Jon Lemire contributed to this report.

Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Trump Demands That Senators Find a Way to Replace Obamacare

The president’s demands for more negotiations amounted to his fourth position in three days on the health care bill. He began the week supporting a Senate effort to overhaul the law, but when it became clear late Monday that Republicans would fall short of the votes for that measure, he abruptly declared that lawmakers should simply repeal the law and start from a “clean slate” on an effort to replace it — an approach he had previously ruled out.

Facing still more opposition for that strategy, he said on Tuesday that Republicans should “let Obamacare fail” and blame it on Democrats. But by nightfall, Mr. Trump was scheduling a lunch with Republicans at the White House, designed to pressure them to redouble their efforts to find agreement on a full-scale replacement, back where he started.

Mr. Trump usually steers clear of policy details and has grown impatient with the painstaking behind-the-scenes bargaining that has marked the health care negotiations. But he said on Wednesday that he was hopeful that the Senate would deliver a bill that he could sign.

“I think that we’re going to do O.K. — we’re going to see,” he said in an interview in the Oval Office, just after his lunch with senators in the State Dining Room.

How the Number of Uninsured Would Change

If Congress passes the Republican plan to repeal the Affordable Care Act without a replacement, 17 million more people would be uninsured in the first year, compared to what the number would be under the current health law.





Senate repeal plan

60 million

uninsured

Initial House bill

Final House bill

50

Initial Senate plan

40

Under the

Affordable

Care Act

30

2018

20

10

2017

2026

Senate repeal plan

60 million

uninsured

Initial House bill

Final House bill

50

Initial Senate plan

40

30

Under the

Affordable

Care Act

2018

20

10

2017

2026


He was blunt about the obstacles and the difficulty of the negotiations.

“It is a very narrow path winding this way,” Mr. Trump said. “You think you have it, and then you lose four on the other side because you gave” concessions to another faction of senators.

“It is a brutal process,” he added. Mr. Trump conceded that the very nature of what he had promised to do — eliminate Mr. Obama’s health care program, which serves millions of Americans — made the effort an uphill slog.

“Once you get something, it’s awfully tough to take it away,” Mr. Trump said.

There is still little evidence that returning to the negotiating table on a replacement will win over the four Republicans who have declared their opposition.

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The health care bill drafted by Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, would repeal major provisions of the Affordable Care Act, including penalties for people who go without health insurance; make deep cuts in projected Medicaid spending; and establish a new system of subsidies to help people buy private insurance.

The measure has faced resistance both from conservatives concerned that it did not go far enough in eliminating the current law and from moderates who feared it would lead to losses in insurance coverage, stingier plans and higher health costs.

Mr. Trump dispatched administration officials to Capitol Hill on Wednesday night to lobby wavering Republicans who have not yet pledged to support the measure, some of whom have publicly aired their reservations. Mr. McConnell said the goal was to get them to agree to vote next week on a procedural motion simply to open debate on the bill, but the final language of that measure had not yet been determined.

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“There’s no way that I, or anybody else, could prevent members from having amendments that any 51 of us can pass and change the bill,” Mr. McConnell said. “But we cannot have a debate until we get on the bill.”

The Trump administration also offered the insurance industry an olive branch, approving the payment of a month’s worth of subsidies to insurers that help poor customers with out-of-pocket health care expenses.

The president has never been completely engaged with the health care repeal-and-replace efforts. He was largely absent from House attempts to craft a bill earlier this year, weighing in at the end when the effort appeared on the verge of collapse to issue an ultimatum.

Then, too, he initially reacted with angry resignation to the failure by House Republicans to reach consensus — “It’s enough, already,” he said after leaders scrapped a vote because they could not muster a majority for the measure — only to change course later, urging lawmakers to strike a compromise, and celebrating lavishly in the Rose Garden when they did.

Graphic

3 Things Trump Is Already Doing to ‘Let Obamacare Fail’

President Trump has already taken action on at least three fronts to undermine the Affordable Care Act.


He has occasionally cajoled members of Congress, primarily through his Twitter feed, but he has seemed hesitant at best. White House advisers have been divided on how involved he should be, leaving Mr. Trump to weigh in sporadically. And his impulse has been to keep members of Congress at an arm’s length, reverting to blaming and threatening them when it appears they are not bowing to his preferences — and even privately criticizing their work product, as he did when he called the House-passed bill “mean.”

“I think it’ll be very bad for them” if they don’t support the health bill, Mr. Trump said of lawmakers in the interview on Wednesday.

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At lunch, Mr. Trump used a combination of humor and thinly veiled threats to pressure senators to do what he was asking.

“Look, he wants to remain a senator, doesn’t he?” Mr. Trump said of Senator Dean Heller, a Nevada Republican who was seated beside him and who has been outspoken about his concerns with the proposal. “I think the people of your state, which I know very well, I think they’re going to appreciate what you hopefully will do.”

In private, Mr. Trump was sharper, according to a person briefed on the closed-door lunch, telling Mr. Heller that if he opposed the health care effort, he would lose the Republican nomination for his Senate seat, which would bar him from seeking re-election next year. The person spoke on condition of anonymity because the discussion was private.

Mr. Trump also alluded to two Republicans, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Mike Lee of Utah, who had come out against the measure Monday night, saying he had been “surprised” because the senators were “my friends.”

“My friends — they really were and are,” he said. “They might not be very much longer, but that’s O.K.”

Senator Bill Cassidy, Republican of Louisiana, said Mr. Trump was “trying to add momentum back to a process” that had stalled.

“We’ll see,” he said. “I like to think that we walked out with a sense of momentum.”

At the White House, senators said, they discussed a proposal added to the Senate bill at the request of Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, that would allow insurers to sell policies that violate the Affordable Care Act if they also sell policies that comply with the benefit mandates and other requirements of the law.

A study by the Department of Health and Human Services, cited by Mr. Trump, said the proposal would increase enrollment and reduce premiums in the individual insurance market. But those figures are at odds with projections by insurance actuaries outside the government, who have called Mr. Cruz’s proposal unworkable and warned it would lead to higher premiums and terminations of coverage.

Maggie Haberman, Robert Pear and Eileen Sullivan contributed reporting.


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Shorter videos more common, but longer content drive engagement

Videos are a tool that many marketers count among the most effective in their arsenal. But, there are certain rules that need to be followed to drive engagement.

One of those rules is that shorter, sharper bursts of video content tend to be more effective than longer ones.

But a new study by video marketing automation platform TwentyThree has unearthed some interesting findings about how people consume video content. Perhaps the main takeaway is that when it comes to video, shorter is not always best.

TwentyThree’s data comes from 300 marketing teams, 1.5 million videos, 1.7 billion impressions and 650 million video plays.

Main findings

While 80% of the videos produced for, and shared on, social media are under 5 minutes, they account for less than a third of video engagement.

It is in fact, longer pieces of video content that have a higher rate of engagement. Videos longer than 15 minutes accounted for 50% of all the engagement recorded, but are only 8% of all the video content produced.

You could put this down to longer videos giving people more time to engage, which would seem to show that tracking video success is about much more than the number of impressions. But, the data also indicates the platform the content is viewed on has an impact.

When it comes to owned media, 66% of people watch an average of 03:56 minutes of video. This compares to 23% of people watching videos with an average length of 00:58, and 14% watching videos of an average length of 00:20 on Facebook.

The success of owned media video content continues into email marketing. The study found that click-through rates increase by 62% when a video is placed in the thumbnail of the email campaign.

Another interesting finding that the data threw up is that it appears that the majority of live video conversions occur prior to the stream even beginning. 79% of conversions occur before the live stream begins, compare to 59% before in-player videos.

The lessons seem to be that marketers focus should be on creating meaningful engagements rather than trying to simply thrust content in front of the faces of as many people as possible. Also, the need for different approaches and expectations for different channels. Social media maybe a place to catch attention and pique interest, but owned media is the place to go into detail and really drive engagement. 

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How Advanced TV Can Supercharge Your Video Strategy

Ever since programmatic advertising came into vogue within the digital realm, marketers and agencies have been hustling to derive maximum value using the combination of digital real-time targeting and outcome-based measurement together with premium video inventory.

This application for ‘television’ has historically been more of a pipe dream, and we’ve been talking about it for years—but the future is NOW and we are finally getting our hands dirty as TV is finally catching up to digital (certainly not there yet, but progress).

Adding Automation and Targeting to Traditional TV

We like to call this progress ‘Advanced TV’, which is defined in three categories:

● Programmatic television is the automation of linear TV media buying. This combines the use of data for an index-based selection of dayparts, networks and programs. Some call any data-based buying programmatic, which confuses the matter. That said, the TV industry is very cautious with this approach having witnessed how programmatic was used to drive price down and commoditize digital inventory.
● Connected television is when brands buy ads during over-the-top (OTT) and connected platforms such as Roku and Apple TV. Although this is one-to-one based advertising, robust targeting and measurement is not quite there yet due to the lack of cookies and the non-standardization of device IDs. The goal is to convert to IP and this should be a much richer solution within the next year.
● Addressable television refers to household-level, linear TV advertising, which allows brands to target the right home with the right message. While there are limitations due to set-top-box technology, this category does allow for creative versioning in TV delivery for the first time, allowing advertisers to send personalized ads to specific audience segments.

With the data nuances available in advanced TV, we also need to move the conversation beyond simply data and targeting. With creative driving at least 50% (in some cases 70%) of the campaign’s sales impact, creative personalization needs to become a major part of the conversation.

Addressable TV Is the Best of Both Worlds

While all advanced TV approaches offer marketers a suite of benefits, addressable TV is the most effective execution because it combines the precise targeting of digital with the highest quality viewing experience.

By applying digital tools to the buying process, addressable advertisers can be much more efficient with their television spend. Rather than wasting millions of dollars on ads that will be shown to every person watching a given program, a beauty brand could spend significantly less to reach only a specific group of women in the market for that product. On top of that, that brand could segment the group of women into different categories, such as heavy mascara buyers versus heavy nail polish buyers and send ads highlighting the different products to the respective segments. Returning versus new customers can be targeted as well.

Addressable TV allows marketers to reach consumers in a far better environment than they’d find online. Whereas a digital video viewer might be in a rush to get back to whatever they were doing a moment ago, television viewers are more committed to sticking around and watching premium TV content. This creates a more engaging viewing environment, which has always been a draw of traditional TV advertising. Remember, TV is also immune to the recent digital issues around unsafe advertiser environments—you absolutely know what you’re getting here.

However, one of the best components of addressable is the ability to measure impact such as website conversion, foot traffic and actual sales lift. Using third-party measurement partners, marketers can know for certain that the people who saw their ads actually went on to buy their products. In short, marketers now know if their advertising is working. Take that Wanamaker!

Better Together: Digital Video and Addressable TV

The best way for marketers to begin using addressable TV is by including it in a cross-screen campaign with digital video. By pairing an addressable TV buy with digital video, advertisers can get television’s halo effect while simultaneously building scale with less expensive online inventory. Together, these two formats produce a cost-effective, multi-channel campaign that delivers excellent return on ad spend. What’s even more powerful is the application of real-time digital results to television. While TV outcome measurement is not real-time, we can take the immediate learnings from digital and nimbly apply to TV—which creatives are working best, refining data targets, etc.

Beyond giving brands more bang for their buck, the combination of digital video and addressable TV enables advertisers to implement a more precise, more sophisticated marketing strategy. Instead of choosing between the lean-back environment of television and the lean-in environment of digital, brands can mix and match based on what they are trying to achieve with each customer. And because addressable television allows advertisers to target people at the household level, marketers can prevent themselves from oversaturating a single consumer across TV and digital. Once the integrated campaign is finished, marketers can measure performance across both channels, allowing them to better understand the cumulative impact of their holistic video marketing strategy.

And, addressable and advanced TV are just getting started. As the technology continues to develop, we’ll be able to learn more about optimal frequency and sequence of cross-screen campaigns. Imagine when TV measurement becomes ‘real-time’ like digital—the practice of cross-screen optimization will become a reality (maybe we can even get Facebook and Google to play with us here).

For now, brands and agencies should seize the value that’s already available and begin experimenting with integrated, cross-screen campaigns. It won’t be long before advanced TV is just as important to a successful media plan as its analog predecessor.

About the author:

Brian Katz is VP of advanced TV insights and strategy at Eyeview. Katz brings more than 20 years of experience in cable, digital and broadcast to his role at Eyeview, where he leads and executes custom advanced TV solutions for Eyeview’s retail, CPG, auto and travel clients. He also leverages his experience to make addressable TV approachable for marketers who are new to the medium, and ensures the best financial outcomes for their paid media investments. Before joining Eyeview, Katz served as a senior VP of audience purchaser insights at TiVo. Katz also held multiple roles at NBCU cable and distribution units. He began his career at Paramount Domestic Television supporting sales strategy and syndicated programming for UPN.

Amazon cozies up to video publishers with marketing and tech support — and cash

Amazon wants video publishers and creators to distribute their work on its streaming platform. And it’s providing free marketing and technical support — and in some cases, financial incentives — to make that happen.

Video publishers and creators have two primary ways to self-distribute on Amazon Prime: the Amazon Video Direct program, which allows publishers of all sizes to upload videos to the Prime subscription platform (as well as sell it directly through the Prime video store); and the Amazon Channels program, which allows media companies to sell their subscription services as add-on channels. Both are proving to be early revenue drivers for participants.

In addition to new revenue, Amazon is also providing internal support for its partners. The company has teams dedicated to both programs, with reps assigned to assisting publishing partners. (Amazon declined to specify the size of these teams.)

Within the Amazon Channels program, Amazon is taking on a lot of the marketing and infrastructure costs that go into building and maintaining a streaming video channel. Publishers can advertise their channels, but Amazon will regularly promote different subscription channels or video titles across its platform, including Amazon.com and IMDb.

“It starts as a distribution relationship, but out of that it evolves as we develop and define different marketing and strategic partnerships,” said Mark Garner, svp of distribution and digital content licensing for A+E Networks.

Amazon also integrates the channels that Prime customers have subscribed to within the Prime user interface. For instance, if a Prime customer has subscribed to Cinedigm’s Docurama — which focuses on documentary films and nonfiction shows — they will see titles from the channel right underneath featured films and shows, new releases and Amazon’s own original series.

“It puts the channels right in the midst of when someone is browsing through Prime,” said Erick Opeka, evp of digital networks for Cinedigm, which sells three subscription channels on Prime. “It’s not like you’re subscribed to a channel and unless you go into the app, you forget about it. Amazon’s designed it so that you’re constantly reminded that you’re a subscriber.”

For streaming channel partners, Amazon is also removing the burden of billing and the tech and infrastructure costs that go into building and maintaining dozens (or hundreds) of apps for different streaming TV devices.



“Currently, when customers want to watch a show, they must navigate through multiple apps or subscribe to large cable TV packages, requiring multiple accounts and extra work to find what they want,” said Rich Au, head of content acquisition for the Amazon Channels program, in a statement. “Specific to our partners, Amazon Channels is unique in that we’re handling all of the billing and customer service for them, as well as managing compatibility across hundreds of devices.”

For its work, Amazon takes a cut of subscription dollars generated through its program. As sources have previously told Digiday, the deals vary, with Amazon typically taking 30-40 percent of subscription channel revenue.

“Because they’re leveraging their existing customer base, we don’t have any operational costs of running and maintaining an app,” said Opeka. “The one downside is that you do lose that direct relationship with the customer, but the revenue potential and the ease with which you can access new customers outweigh the risks, especially in the early stages when you’re trying to grow subscribers.”

The Video Direct self-distribution program is a big initiative for Amazon as it looks to recruit more digital publishers and video creators to distribute through Prime. And any time a platform is out with a big initiative, it goes on a charm offensive — just look at how Amazon is working with publishers on Amazon Echo.

Within Video Direct, publishing partners have landing pages for all of their uploaded videos. Individual titles and themed collections are also regularly featured within the regular Prime browsing experience — amped up by an algorithm that delivers suggestions based on the user’s preferences and viewing history. This can help older videos find new life: A 10-episode short-form series comedy studio Jash produced with actress Jenny Slate in 2013 was uploaded to Amazon last summer and became one of the top-performing digital series on Prime — right around the time “The Secret Life of Pets” (starring Slate) was in theaters.

For Video Direct partners, Amazon also makes additional money available through a $1 million monthly bonus pool, which pays out to media partners based on the top-performing titles during that month.

“Revenue per view, especially if you’re a bonus performer, can be much higher and above and beyond what you’re making on YouTube,” said one longtime YouTube creator.

One area Amazon can improve is in providing deeper analytics. For both the Amazon Channels and Video Direct programs, Amazon provides a dashboard with reports on subscribers, number of minutes streamed per title and projected revenue.

“It’s not nearly as robust as YouTube in visualizing analytics and being able to get more granular with the data,” said the YouTube creator. “You also can’t do comparative analysis [against other Video Direct partners or platform-wide benchmarks] at this point.”

Still, Video Direct partners describe channel reps as being more responsive and supportive than some other platforms.

“They will send regular updates with tips to improve performance; they’ll include us in their initiatives and look to prop us up by inviting us to go speak on panels with them at Sundance,” said Mickey Meyer, co-founder of the Sarah Silverman-backed Jash. “They have been, more so than YouTube and some others, out to help us.”

Trump had undisclosed hour-long meeting with Putin at G-20 summit

After his much-publicized two-and-a-quarter-hour meeting early this month with Russian President Vladi­mir Putin at the Group of 20 summit in Germany, President Trump chatted informally with the Russian leader for up to an additional hour later the same day.

The second meeting, undisclosed at the time, took place at a dinner for G-20 leaders, a senior administration official said. At some point during the meal, Trump left his own seat to occupy a chair next to Putin. Trump approached alone, and Putin was attended only by his official interpreter.

In a statement issued Tuesday night after published reports of the conversation, the White House said that “there was no ‘second meeting’ between President Trump and President Putin, just a brief conversation at the end of a dinner. The insinuation that the White House has tried to ‘hide’ a second meeting,” it said, “is false, malicious and absurd.”

“All the leaders” circulated around the room throughout the dinner, and “President Trump spoke with many leaders,” the statement said. “As the dinner was concluding,” it said, Trump spoke “briefly” with Putin, who was seated next to first lady Melania Trump.

The dinner conversation with Putin was first reported Monday by Ian Bremmer, president of the New York-based Eurasia Group, in a newsletter to group clients. Bremmer said the meeting began “halfway” into the meal and lasted “roughly an hour.” The senior administration official said it began with the dessert course, but did not comment on its length.

Pool reporters covering Trump noted that his and Putin’s motorcades were among the last to leave the event, departing within minutes of each other just before midnight.

Trump lashed out at the media for reporting on his undisclosed meeting with Putin, saying the “fake news” was “sick” and “dishonest.”

But the president distorted what news outlets, including The Washington Post, had reported, saying the story was about a “secret dinner” when in fact it was reported as an undisclosed meeting with Putin at a dinner of the G-20 leaders and their spouses. Trump also incorrectly stated that journalists knew about his meeting with Putin; in fact, they did not until Tuesday, when the White House confirmed that the two presidents met during the dinner.

In the first of two tweets, Trump wrote: “Fake News story of secret dinner with Putin is ‘sick.’ All G 20 leaders, and spouses, were invited by the Chancellor of Germany. Press knew!”

Trump then tweeted, “The Fake News is becoming more and more dishonest! Even a dinner arranged for top 20 leaders in Germany is made to look sinister!”

The dinner encounter appeared to underscore the extent to which Trump was eager throughout the summit to cultivate a friendship with Putin. During last year’s election campaign, he spoke admiringly of the Russian leader and at times seemed captivated by him.

Meeting each other face-to-face for the first time at the Hamburg summit, the two presidents seemed to have a chemistry in their more formal bilateral session, evidenced by the fact that, despite being scheduled for 35 minutes, it continued for more than two hours.

View Graphic How Trump is changing America’s foreign policy

But Trump’s newly revealed conversation with Putin at the G-20 dinner is likely to stoke criticism — including perhaps from some fellow Republicans in Congress — that he is too cozy with the leader of a major U.S. adversary.

Putin’s official interpreter provided the only Russian-English interpretation, the White House statement said, because the president was seated next to the wife of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. “Each couple was allowed one translator,” it said. “The American translator accompanying President Trump spoke Japanese.”

The only version of the conversation provided to White House aides was that given by Trump himself, said the administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity before the White House statement was issued. Reporters traveling with the White House were not informed during the trip, and there was no formal readout of the chat.

The official Trump-Putin meeting, earlier in the day, led to confusion over whether Trump agreed, as Putin later implied, to accept the Kremlin’s denial of any wrongdoing regarding interference in last year’s election.

That meeting was attended by the leaders and their two interpreters, along with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.

Tillerson later said Trump twice asked Putin if the conclusions of the U.S. intelligence community that Russia had meddled in the race were true, and Putin twice denied it, so they moved on to other subjects of importance to the bilateral relationship, including Syria.

Russia’s activities during the election, along with allegations that members of Trump’s campaign may have coordinated with Kremlin attempts to tilt the race in Trump’s direction, are the subject of investigations in Congress and by a special counsel.

In Trump’s own account of the formal meeting, he repeated earlier comments that another country might have been responsible for cyber-interference in the election. “I’m not saying it wasn’t Russia. What I’m saying is that we have to protect ourselves no matter who it is,” he told reporters on Air Force One as he returned from a visit to France last week.

“You know, China is very good at this,” Trump said. “I hate to say it, North Korea is very good at this.”

Trump also said that Putin was unlikely to have preferred him over Hillary Clinton as president, since his goals include taking international energy business away from Russia and building up the U.S. military.

The dinner at the G-20 summit, held July 7-8, occurred hours after Trump and Putin’s lengthy formal meeting. Leaders and their spouses were invited to a musical performance at Hamburg’s riverside concert venue, followed by an intimate dinner at which they were seated next to the spouse of one of their counterparts, rather than their own. Melania Trump was seated next to Putin.

Trump, who is among the newest world leaders in the G-20, remained at the dinner for the entire night. He was among the last to leave — after the host, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, had already departed. Pool reporters with the president saw Putin’s motorcade leave at 11:50 p.m., followed shortly by Trump, who departed the concert hall at 11:54 p.m.

Leaders who witnessed the meeting were “bemused, nonplussed, befuddled” by the animated conversation, held in full view — but apparently not within listening distance — of others present, Bremmer said by telephone. He said he spoke with two participants at the dinner.

One senior European official whose head of government was there played down the attention the Trump-Putin chat garnered, saying it was not unusual for leaders to circulate or “withdraw to a corner” at such private gatherings.

“Part of the rationale is the flurry of bilateral contacts that happen,” the official said. “I don’t find it a sensation,” he said of the lengthy dinner chat, although “maybe Trump and Putin are a little different” from other attendees.

The administration official said there was nothing unusual in a meeting with no aides present, noting that Trump met alone with French President Emmanuel Macron in Paris and held a one-on-one session, with no aides present, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the White House.

Abby Phillip contributed to this report.

‘Let Obamacare Fail,’ Trump Says as GOP Health Bill Collapses

The collapse highlighted a harsh reality for Senate Republicans: While they freely assailed the health law when Mr. Obama occupied the White House, they could not come up with a workable plan to unwind it that would keep both moderate Republicans and conservatives on board. It was an enormous embarrassment for a party that rode electoral waves to control first the House, then the Senate and then the White House, but has not been able to deliver a major legislative victory.

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“This has been a very, very challenging experience for all of us,” Mr. McConnell said. “Everybody’s given it their best shot, and as of today, we just simply do not have 50 senators who can agree on what ought to replace the existing law.”

The reaction on Wall Street was muted. Stocks spent most of the day lower as shares of health insurers declined, and the dollar, which has steadily lost ground for most of the year, slipped further.

Mr. Trump has considerable leverage to gum up the works of the Affordable Care Act. He could throw insurance markets into a tailspin at any time by cutting off the subsidy payments to insurers, as he has threatened to do. He could further destabilize the markets by not enforcing the mandate that most Americans have health insurance.

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Senator Shelley Moore Capito, center, Republican of West Virginia, said she was opposed to simply repealing the Affordable Care Act without a replacement.

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Doug Mills/The New York Times

And he could cancel advertising and other efforts to encourage enrollment under the Affordable Care Act when the annual sign-up period begins in November. A barrage of negative statements from the administration could project an official view that the health law is collapsing, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.

The lack of certainty over the subsidy payments, which go toward reducing out-of-pocket costs for low-income people, has been a major concern for insurers. The companies say premiums will be significantly higher without the funding, and some companies that have submitted rates to sell insurance in the market next year could decide to pull out.

“With open enrollment for 2018 only three months away, our members and all Americans need the certainty and security of knowing coverage will be available and affordable for them,” said Justine Handelman, a senior executive at the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association.

While Mr. Trump has promised destruction, other Republicans signaled that they wanted to take a more constructive approach. Senator Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, chairman of the Senate health committee, announced that he would hold hearings in the next few weeks on stabilizing the individual health insurance market.

Members of both parties have ideas about how to stabilize insurance markets and hold down premiums. One possible action is to provide money for the payments to insurers for reducing customers’ out-of-pocket costs. In addition, two Democratic senators, Thomas R. Carper of Delaware and Tim Kaine of Virginia, want the federal government to help pay the largest claims through a backstop known as reinsurance. Senators of both parties also want to help people in counties where no insurer chooses to offer health plans through the Affordable Care Act marketplace — a real possibility in some places next year.

The Senate Democratic leader, Chuck Schumer of New York, implored Republicans to defy Mr. Trump and work with Democrats to strengthen insurance markets.

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“There’s a fork in the road for our Republican colleagues,” he said in an interview. “They can do what Donald Trump said, which is sabotage the system out of anger and out of pique,” or they can work with Democrats on improvements to the health law.

“Whether they can resist Trump, I don’t know,” Mr. Schumer said.

On Capitol Hill, Republicans and Democrats alike were trying to make sense of the repeal effort’s apparent downfall — and figure out what comes next.

The beginning of the end was on Monday night, when two Republican senators, Mike Lee of Utah and Jerry Moran of Kansas, came out in opposition to the latest version of Mr. McConnell’s bill to repeal and replace the health law. That left Republican leaders at least two votes short of what they needed to start debate.

Two other Republican senators, Ms. Collins and Rand Paul of Kentucky, had objected last week.

Mr. McConnell responded by outlining plans for a vote on a measure like the one vetoed by Mr. Obama in January 2016, which Mr. McConnell said would consist of a “repeal of Obamacare combined with a stable, two-year transition period.”

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Trumpcare: How Republicans Have Tried to Sell It

Since his campaign, President Trump and the Republican Party have pushed hard for a repeal of the Affordable Care Act.


By DAVE HORN and ROBIN LINDSAY on Publish Date July 18, 2017.


Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

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Republican leaders had originally intended to proceed with a similar “repeal and delay” strategy after Mr. Trump won the presidency. But in January, Mr. Trump made clear he wanted a simultaneous repeal and replacement of the law, and congressional Republicans decided to follow that path.

A repeal-only route would have been disruptive. The Congressional Budget Office said in January that enacting the vetoed bill would increase the number of uninsured Americans by 18 million in the first year and 32 million by 2026, compared with current law. Premiums, it said, would increase 20 to 25 percent in the first year and double by 2026.

That bill would have eliminated the Affordable Care Act’s expansion of Medicaid and subsidies for the purchase of private insurance. But it would have left in place the law’s requirement that insurers provide specific benefits, and the prohibition on denying coverage or charging higher premiums because of a person’s pre-existing medical conditions.

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The repeal-only idea quickly ran into a wall on Tuesday.

“I did not come to Washington to hurt people,” Ms. Capito said in a statement, taking issue with both Mr. McConnell’s bill and the idea of repealing the health law “without a replacement plan that addresses my concerns and the needs of West Virginians.”

Ms. Murkowski said, “There’s enough chaos and uncertainty already, and this would just contribute to it.”

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Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine, announced her opposition to the latest health care push.

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Eric Thayer for The New York Times

The idea of repealing the health law without providing a replacement also spooked a bipartisan group of 11 governors, including Brian Sandoval of Nevada, an influential Republican critic of Mr. McConnell’s bill.

“The Senate should immediately reject efforts to ‘repeal’ the current system and replace sometime later,” said the group, which included five Republicans, five Democrats and one independent. “This could leave millions of Americans without coverage. The best next step is for both parties to come together and do what we can all agree on: fix our unstable insurance markets.”

Mr. McConnell appears determined to drive the effort to a final public showdown with a procedural vote that would let the Senate consider the repeal-only measure. He can afford to lose only two Republican senators, with Vice President Mike Pence breaking the tie. But he already appears to have lost at least three: Ms. Collins, Ms. Murkowski and Ms. Capito.

More could still defect, unwilling to be recorded voting for a procedural step in what is all but certain to be a doomed exercise. But that could be an awkward stance for Republicans who voted for the repeal bill that the Senate passed in 2015 and Mr. Obama vetoed.

“If you’re not willing to vote the same way you voted in 2015,” Mr. Paul said on Tuesday, “then you need to go back home, and you need to explain to Republicans why you’re no longer for repealing Obamacare.”


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