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Online Marketing Agency, fishbat, Discusses Promoting E-Commerce Websites on Social Media

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June 08, 2017 —

PATCHOGUE, N.Y., June 8, 2017 /PRNewswire-iReach/ — fishbat, a leading online marketing agency, combines proven digital marketing strategies to help businesses increase profits and expand brand awareness, discusses promoting e-commerce websites on social media.

Leveraging the audience reach and engagement power of social media is a great way to drive traffic to e-commerce websites. Not only does social media provide businesses with the opportunity to increase brand awareness through the extensive user base on popular platforms, it also enables businesses to reach a highly targeted audience.

  • Hello?is this thing on?  It’s not enough to just be on social media; the audience needs to hear and see you. This requires optimization to make your presence known and analytics to target the right audience. To be seen and heard on social media platforms, optimize all posts, videos, product descriptions, website pages, your sitemap with targeted keywords, backlinks, and URLs. Ensure all products have descriptions which include keywords and posts have compelling titles.  These factors will provide indexing opportunities for search engines, boost SEO, and make the brand and products « findable » online to drive traffic. Optimizations, however, are not enough. A wide net is great for wide-spread branding efforts, but to drive qualified traffic and boost conversion, social media outreach must be targeted. Utilize analytic programs to reach the target audience by interests, job title, geographic location, and other demographic and behavioral data. This will help the business reach the right audience with the right content, on the right platforms.
  • Sharing is caring Social sharing is similar to networking at a party. It’s not about the hard-sell, but about the connections and relationships. Enable the audience to further the brand’s outreach by making sharing easy and the content compelling. Include social sharing buttons on product pictures, videos, any content being disseminated, and all website pages. Utilize content that grabs the audience’s attention and provides a reason to share, such as value-added information about products, blogs or video posts from influencers, and posts with an incentive or other call-to-action for the audience.
  • Hey, check me out Give the audience reasons to choose the brand. Promote products in a way that encourages engagement. Visuals, and particularly videos, drive up user engagement. Disseminate videos, 360° videos, influencer videos and posts on a regular basis. Consistency will boost brand awareness and provide social proof.  Free trials, demonstrations, enter-to-win opportunities, and other engagement-prompting tactics will help the audience to develop a relationship with the brand, boost social sharing, and increase conversion.

fishbat is a full-service online marketing company and social media agency dedicated to connecting all types of businesses with their target audiences in the most effective and efficient way. Through innovative strategies in social media management, search engine optimization (SEO), branding, web design, reputation management, and public relations, fishbat promotes a consistent and professional online voice for all of its clients.

Media Contact: Scott Darrohn, fishbat, 855-347-4228, press@fishbat.com

News distributed by PR Newswire iReach: https://ireach.prnewswire.com

 

SOURCE fishbat

Copyright 2014 PR Newswire. All Rights Reserved


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P&G Veteran Mick Suh Joins Eyeview Expanding CPG Leadership, Appointment Builds Continued Category Growth …

NEW YORK, June 07, 2017 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Eyeview, the industry leader in outcome-based video marketing, announced today that Mick Suh, a veteran of both Coupons.com and PG, has joined the company as Vice President of CPG Sales. Suh has a proven track record of helping top tier brands successfully build proven marketing solutions integrating data and personalization that deliver business outcomes.

With the expansion of video consumption, Eyeview is delivering on the long-awaited promise of 1-to-1 video, marrying the engagement and appeal of television quality video advertising with precision targeting and personalised creative to drive sales. Eyeview has developed a highly scalable cloud based video technology that gives brands the ability to deliver thousands of creative variations tailored to reach specific target audiences, on any screen for the highest return on ad spend.

“For me, what is most exciting about joining Eyeview is that we have an opportunity to shift the conversation around video beyond media metrics and directly connect video impact to business outcomes,” said Suh. “PG’s Marc Pritchard has called out the advertising industry for lack of transparency, driving clear PG requirements around industry standards on viewability metrics, fraud protection and 3rd party verification. Meeting all of PG’s requirements, Eyeview is all about metrics and has proven that through 1-to-1 video, marketers can do more than simply generate awareness and brand equity through their video advertising with a measured return in sales on every dollar they spend.”

Suh was most recently Chief Revenue Officer for audio tech startup Lisnr, where he helped grow revenue and lead the sales organization across verticals such as Sports, Live/Entertainment, CPG/Retail, and Broadcast. Before that, he held an executive sales position at Coupons.com, where he managed 9 of the company’s top 10 clients. He also spent almost 10 years working in brand management for Kellogg’s and PG. Suh is graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and the University of Chicago Booth School of Business.

“Across a growing client base including Fortune 500 brands such as PG, SC Johnson and Clorox, Eyeview has shifted the conversation around video beyond media metrics and ad delivery to proving that 1-to-1 video can drive sales outcomes,” said West Naze, Vice President of CPG and Shopper Marketing, Eyeview. ”Mick will continue to expand our industry leading CPG leadership where we have proven success in driving incremental sales and return on ad spend numbers that are consistently 3X NCS Digital Video Benchmarks.”

To learn more about Eyeview, visit https://www.eyeviewdigital.com.

About Eyeview
Eyeview is a video marketing technology company and the industry leader in outcome-based video marketing. Eyeview delivers superior return on investment through 1-to-1 video.

Through proprietary VideoIQ® technology, Eyeview easily leverages brand, product and consumer data to create and deliver 1-to-1 video ads to every consumer and ultimately drive sales. VideoIQ® provides an elemental knowledge of video variables that powers a results-driven decisioning engine, capable of making billions of decisions each day, delivering the most relevant message to every consumer across television, desktop, mobile and Facebook.

Eyeview serves the nation’s top brands, including PG, SC Johnson, Walgreens, Lowes, Mazda and Hyundai.

Elizabeth Wynnemer
(612) 205-3637
lwynnemer@eyeviewdigital.com

Video Marketing Nuggets in Mary Meeker’s 2017 Internet Trends …

I’ve just finished reading all 355 slides in Mary Meeker’s 2017 Internet Trends Report. Meeker is a partner at Kleiner Perkins Caufield Byers and her annual PowerPoint presentations are legendary. In 2015, I shared 12 slides that every video marketer should read right now. And in 2016, I shared 12 brand new slides every video marketer should read right now. But, this year, I couldn’t find 12 slides that video marketers need to read anytime soon.

However, there were still a couple of nuggets of news buried in her presentation at the Code Conference in California that are worth knowing about. For example, Meeker predicted that internet ad spending will surpass spending on TV within the next six months. That seems like a major milestone.

The plethora of PowerPoints also included the news that online advertising revenue in the US grew 22% in 2016, with much of the growth coming from mobile, which now generates more ad revenue than desktop. That seems like critical data.

Google and Facebook accounted for an astonishing 85% of all the digital advertising growth seen in the US in 2016, with Facebook’s revenues leaping 62% year-on-year while Google saw year-on-year revenue growth of 20%. Yep, that’s one of the trends in the digital video marketing business.

Looking at the challenges faced by social media advertisers, Meeker reported that measuring ROI (61%) is their top concern, although other problems include securing budget and resources (38%) and tying social campaigns to business goals (34%).

She also reported that global smartphone growth is slowing. The number of smartphone shipments increased by 3% in 2016, but this was down from 10% growth in 2015.

Adults Spend 6 Hours a Day on Social Media

Other takeaways from the report included the observation that American adults now spend 5.6 hours a day using digital media, including 3.1 hours via mobile devices and 2.2 hours on desktop and laptop. Meeker also highlighted the rising global use of ad blocking software, especially in developing markets. India, for example, has a mobile ad blocking penetration rate of 28%, while in China it is 13%.

However, e-commerce, voice recognition, gaming and mobile entertainment are all on the rise, and Meeker noted that there are now 2.6bn gamers around the world compared to just 100m in 1995.

Another trend that she identified is the rise of extremely powerful US and Chinese internet companies, which may worry competition regulators, but not Meeker, who told the Financial Times in an interview that these firms are likely to step up their competition with each other.

“People don’t spend enough time looking at how intense the competition is,” she said. “The bet here is – we can’t stop progress. Are we better off or worse off? So far, the data implies we are better off.”

That’s it. That’s all I could glean from 355 slides. Of course, you may want to wade into Meeker’s 2017 Internet Trends Report and see if there are a few more news nuggets that I’ve missed. I only found nine. But that’s still a few nuggets short of a dozen. So, maybe it’s just an off year.

Trump’s sons recommend the high road they usually don’t take

President Trump’s adult sons think it is time for everyone to take the high road in political discourse. Just don’t expect them to lead the way.

“Morals have flown out the window,” Eric Trump lamented on Sean Hannity’s Fox News show Tuesday night. “We deserve so much better than this as a country, and, you know, it’s so sad.”

Apparently not sad enough for him to set an example, however. In the same interview, Eric Trump said this of his father’s critics: “To me, they’re not even people.”

Classy, right?

In an interview that aired earlier Tuesday on ABC’s “Good Morning America,” Donald Trump Jr. said Kathy Griffin “deserves everything that’s coming to her,” after she posed for a photograph with a bloody mask meant to simulate the president’s severed head.

For the record, death threats are what’s “coming to her.”

So, to summarize: The president’s detractors are subhuman, and at least one of them deserves to have her subhuman life threatened by the president’s supporters. Golly, the state of politics in this country is so sad, isn’t it?

On some level, the sentiments of Eric and Don Jr. are understandable. We’re talking about their father, after all, so a little righteous indignation is to be expected. If all they did was lash out, they might be entitled to a pass.

But their moralizing about over-the-line rhetoric is jaw-droppingly hypocritical.

There is another major disconnect in the Trumps’ thinking: They seem to be under the impression that because they do some good things, they ought to be immune to criticism for doing bad things.

“I’ve raised $16.3 million for the greatest hospital in the world — that’s St. Jude,” Eric Trump told Hannity. “And I get attacked for it.”

By “attacked,” he meant scrutinized by Forbes magazine, which reported Tuesday that Eric Trump’s annual charity golf tournament doubles as a revenue stream for Trump family businesses. Although Eric Trump claimed that his family donates use of the Trump National Golf Club in Westchester County, N.Y., public records show that the club has accepted $1.2 million in payments over the years.

“Golf charity experts say the listed expenses defy any reasonable cost justification for a one-day golf tournament,” Forbes reported. More:

And while donors to the Eric Trump Foundation were told their money was going to help sick kids, more than $500,000 was re-donated to other charities, many of which were connected to Trump family members or interests, including at least four groups that subsequently paid to hold golf tournaments at Trump courses.

All of this seems to defy federal tax rules and state laws that ban self-dealing and misleading donors.

Two things can be true at once: The Trumps can do good charitable work and put money in their own pockets. They can be targets of unacceptable rhetoric and dispense some of their own.

What they want, however, is all the praise and sympathy that comes with the first half of those equations and none of the criticism that comes with the second.

Intelligence Chiefs Won’t Discuss Private Conversations With Trump In Open Hearing

Credit: U.S. Capitol

Updated at 1:01 p.m. ET

Learn More About The Trump-Russia Imbroglio

In an often contentious hearing on Capitol Hill, two intelligence chiefs testified Wednesday that they’ve never felt pressured to take improper actions regarding intelligence matters, including the investigation of Russia’s meddling in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.

Countdown Clocks, Morning Cocktails As Former FBI Director Prepares To Testify

But the two officials, Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats and the head of the National Security Agency, Adm. Mike Rogers, declined to say whether President Trump ever asked them to downplay the Russia investigation.

The James Comey Saga, In Timeline Form

At a hearing of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Virginia Democrat Mark Warner asked Coats and Rogers about media reports that Trump asked them to intervene regarding the Justice Department investigation surrounding Russia.

Both declined repeatedly to discuss their conversations with Trump, answering in general terms.

« In the three-plus years I have been director of the National Security Agency, to the best of my recollection, I have never been directed to do anything illegal, immoral, unethical or inappropriate, » Rogers said. « I do not recall ever feeling pressured to do so. »

Coats responded in a similar vein.

« In my time of service, » Coats said, « I have never been pressured, I’ve never felt pressure to intervene or interfere, in any way, with shaping intelligence in a political way. »

Warner, along with several other senators, kept pressing and ultimately expressed frustration with the intelligence chiefs.

There are « reports, that nobody has laid to rest here, that the president of the United States has intervened directly in an ongoing FBI investigation and we’ve got no answers from any of you, » Warner said.

The hearing was often contentious, particularly when Democratic senators questioned the intelligence officials.

Committee Chairman Richard Burr, a North Carolina Republican, intervened at one point during a sharp exchange between California Democrat Kamala Harris and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein.

« The chair is going to exercise its right to allow the witnesses to answer the question, and committee is on notice to provide witnesses the courtesy, which has not been extended all the way across, » Burr said.

Republican John McCain of Arizona took a softer approach, drawing chuckles when he asked Coats, « Do you want to tell us any more about the Russian involvement in our election that we don’t already know from reading The Washington Post?« 

Coats did not offer any details, but said, « Just because it’s in The Washington Post doesn’t mean it’s declassified. »

The Senate Intelligence Committee is holding two days of closely watched hearings that might — or might not — shed new light on the state of the Russia investigation.

The president has repeatedly called for an end to inquiries into Russian election meddling in his public remarks. But Democratic senators, in particular, want to know what he’s told intelligence officials in private discussions.

The committee is holding a closed session after lunch with staff about the technicalities of the law that allows the intelligence community to surveil foreign targets. The intelligence chiefs indicated they would be more comfortable speaking in a closed environment and Burr suggested during the hearing that he would schedule time for the four men to return for a closed session.

The hearings Wednesday and Thursday are significant because stories about the Russia investigation have dribbled out piecemeal, often based on anonymous sources. The intelligence chiefs are all key figures in the investigation, but have rarely spoken publicly. Over these two days, four current intelligence officials, along with one former one, will all be testifying under oath before the same Senate panel.

Trump reportedly asked Coats and Rogers, to state publicly that there was no collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign. Neither official has done so.

Citing these reports, Warner said in his opening statement:

« If any of this is true, it would be an appalling and improper use of our intelligence professionals — an act that could erode the public’s confidence in our intelligence institutions. The (intelligence community) fiercely prides itself on its apolitical service to the country. Any attempt by the White House or even the president himself to exploit this community as a tool for political purposes is deeply, deeply troubling. »

While Democrats have focused on possible collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign, Republicans have focused on leaks about the investigation.

The president has frequently railed against leaks, and a government contractor, Reality Winner, was charged Monday with leaking an NSA document that details Russian efforts to penetrate U.S. election systems.

The former FBI director, James Comey, who was fired by Trump on May 9, is scheduled to testify before the same committee Thursday morning.

Why key Arab countries have cut ties with Qatar — and what Trump had to do with it

The decision by five Arab states to sever ties with Qatar marks another chapter in a multiyear saga of turbulent relations between Qatar and its neighbors. A split between Doha and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was brewing for years. At the heart of the problem lies an irreconcilable difference between the Persian Gulf countries about how to interpret the events of the 2011 Arab Spring and, more important, how to react to them.

In contrast to its GCC neighbors, Qatar actively promoted regime change across the Arab world. The Qataris mobilized finances and offered favorable media coverage to many Islamist actors, including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Hamas in Gaza, the Ennahda party in Tunisia and myriad militias in Libya and Syria.

In response, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia worked forcefully to block Qatar’s interests in the region, helping to depose Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, funding rival opposition factions in Syria and supporting the government of Gen. Khalifa Hifter in Libya.

Although the Saudis and Emiratis began to resist Qatar’s regional activities, Qatar’s rulers were no pushover. The emir, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani, and his cousin, Prime Minister Hamad Bin Jasim al-Thani, were seasoned operators on the international stage. For 20 years, they built “Brand Qatar” by forming a crosscutting swathe of alliances across the region, stretching from Mauritania to Afghanistan. And so the decision by Hamad to hand power to his son Tamim in August 2013 presented an opportunity for the Saudis and Emiratis to put pressure on the young monarch to force him into line.

In an environment increasingly hostile to Qatari foreign policy, Tamim lacked the experience of his father and uncle to handle the challenges. Al Jazeera was hemorrhaging viewers regionally, and Qatari foreign policy increasingly struggled in Libya, Syria and Egypt in the face of GCC pressure.

Sensing their opportunity, the Emiratis, Saudis and Bahrainis urged Tamim to scale back Qatar’s regional activities. Following six months of failed negotiations, the three countries pulled their ambassadors from Doha in protest in early 2014.

With the help of Kuwait’s emir, Qatar agreed to acquiesce to each of the three countries in a series of bilateral negotiations, leading to a repair in relations by the GCC summit in December 2014. But it was not until December 2016, when Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdul Aziz came to Doha, that the rift was publicly mended.

But for all the goodwill that was shown, the core problem that underlay the split had never healed. While the Qataris had toned down Al Jazeera and evicted a few Muslim Brotherhood members from Doha, their ambition to be a regional actor remained, as did their myriad of friendships with a host of political Islamists across the region — friendships that the UAE in particular found hard to accept.

In recent months, Qatar has once again drifted outside the GCC consensus. Particularly galling for the UAE and Saudi Arabia has been Qatar’s interaction with Islamist groups linked closely to the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda. Worse still to them are its business dealings with Iranian regional affiliates. In April, Qatar was involved in communications with the al-Qaeda-linked Hayat Tahrir al Sham organization to guarantee population transfers in the country. Qatar appeared to have brokered the deal by communicating with Iran, which in return managed to secure the release of 26 Qataris royals kidnapped in Iraq in return for a princely sum to be paid to Iranian client militia Kataib Hezbollah.

Qatar also helped Hamas publicly rebrand itself— and the group launched its new policy objectives at a Doha hotel in May. Islamist rebranding has been a favored tactic Qatar uses with Syrian opposition groups, particularly the Islamist Ahrar al Sham, and, unsuccessfully, with the leader of the now defunct al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra. This attempt to legitimize Islamist groups is an issue the Emiratis in particular find difficult to accept.

The United States has served as a key actor from which the Saudis can take their lead. As Riyadh has moved closer to the United States in recent days, helped with a promise of purchasing more American arms during President Trump’s visit in May, there is little doubt the Saudis felt emboldened to ratchet up the pressure against the Qataris.

The Emiratis also have found themselves in favor with the new Washington administration, whose strong dislike for both Iran and Sunni Islamists fits well with UAE policy priorities. Accordingly, there is a newfound confidence in Saudi Arabia and the UAE that strong measures to force the Qataris back into their box will find support in Washington.

Qatar’s support for Hamas seems to have been a card the gulf states have played effectively to curry favor with U.S. decision-makers amid the warming relations between the gulf and the Israelis. The UAE and Saudi Arabia appear to be preempting U.S. policy by sounding notes that will find favor with pro-Israel, anti-Iran, and anti-Islamist legislators in Congress, albeit for reasons much more applicable to intra-GCC politics than the regional strategic goals of the United States.

Given that diplomatic attempts to isolate Qatar in 2014 seem to have had no long-term effect on Doha’s behavior, it is not surprising that the Saudis have decided to dramatically up the stakes this time around by closing off Qatar’s only land border and— along with the UAE and Egypt— blocking all air travel to the emirate, with Egypt denying Qatar Airways the use of its airspace.

The closure of land borders and the disruption to air traffic will have serious consequences for the Qatari economy and its society that will quickly prove prohibitively expensive, even for a rich state like Qatar. And so, serious concessions will have to be made if relations in the GCC are to normalize to the usual levels of mutually suspicious friendship.

Michael Stephens is a research fellow in the Middle East Department and head of the Qatar operations of the British-based Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies.

Why the latest Russia news paints an increasingly grim picture for Trump

As top intelligence and law enforcement officials testify in front of Congress this week, one big question looms: Did President Trump attempt to obstruct justice in the Russia investigation?

It’s a question with all kinds of legal ins and outs and is very unlikely to be resolved in the next two days. But from a political and appearance perspective, Trump just suffered another major setback.

The Post’s Adam Entous reported late Tuesday night that Trump in March asked Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats to intervene in the Russia investigation by asking then-FBI Director James Comey to back off the agency’s focus on Michael Flynn. Coats reportedly told associates about Trump’s request shortly afterward.

This, of course, is not the first time Trump has been reported to have made apparently unsavory requests of Coats and other top officials (up to and including, most notably, Comey). The Post had previously reported Trump approached Coats and National Security Agency head Michael Rogers in a failed effort to get them to say publicly that there was no evidence of collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign. It has also been reported that Trump approached Comey in February about ending the Flynn investigation, according to contemporaneous notes kept by Comey.

But here’s why the latest news is particularly bad for Trump: It erases any idea that the Comey request was just a one-off. We have now learned that Comey isn’t the only top official whom Trump approached in an effort to free Flynn from his investigation.

One approach could perhaps be understood as Trump going over his skis while standing up for a close political ally and top former adviser; two show that he made a concerted effort to try to release Flynn from scrutiny. And the Coats request reportedly came weeks after the Comey one, suggesting this idea was on Trump’s mind for some time.

The question from there becomes why — why did Trump feel so strongly about getting Flynn off the hook? And there are basically two good answers to that question:

  1. Trump is excessively loyal to Michael Flynn, to a fault
  2. Trump fears what could come of the Flynn investigation

Before we go any further, it’s important to clarify that there is still no publicly available smoking gun when it comes to possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia. And that’s really only part of the reason Flynn has become the focus of investigators — the other big one being his work on behalf of the government of Turkey and his failure to disclose it.

As for Possibility No. 1, it’s worth noting that Trump is a notoriously fickle political operator with few true friends and bulletproof advisers. He dispatched two of his chief campaign aides — Corey Lewandowski and Paul Manafort — when it suited him. And as president he has made pretty clear his unhappiness with top adviser Stephen K. Bannon and even, according to reports this week, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who was way out front of almost every other congressional Republican in supporting Trump’s candidacy. He’s also distanced himself from longtime political confidant Roger Stone.

Put plainly: The president known for his « You’re fired » catchphrase as a reality TV star hasn’t exactly shown that excessive loyalty is among his chief faults. Could he perhaps be uniquely loyal to Flynn for some reason? It’s possible. But against this backdrop it would seem odd that Flynn would be the one Trump aide whom the president seems to be unwilling to toss under the bus when it made sense to, politically speaking. (The White House has been quick to distance itself from almost every other aide facing scrutiny in the Russia probe.)

Possibility No. 2 is the much worse option for the White House. If Trump isn’t burdened by some strangely large amount of loyalty to Flynn, that suggests he worries about what could come of an investigation into Flynn.

A little refresher: Flynn provided an early landmark in the Russia investigation when it was revealed that he spoke to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak after the election and was later revealed to have misled Vice President Pence by telling Pence that he and Kislyak hadn’t discussed sanctions. There are also questions about his decision to appear alongside Vladimir Putin back in December 2015 at a 10th anniversary celebration for the Russian state-backed TV station Russia Today. (Philip Bump has your full timeline here.)

Precisely how the Flynn investigation might be so troubling for Trump is sure to be the subject of plenty of speculation, given Entous’s report on Tuesday night. One tempting conclusion is that Trump worried Flynn would seek immunity, which Flynn eventually offered his testimony in exchange for in late March, and spill whatever beans he might have. But if that’s the case, what are those beans?

Whatever the case, we now know that Trump sought on two separate occasions with powerful top officials to put it all to an end. And apparently when Trump didn’t get anywhere with Comey, he went to the then-recently confirmed Coats to try to get him to put his thumb on the scale.

The most charitable reading of all of this is that an amateur politician-president driven by personal loyalty and ignorance went too far in trying to get intelligence officials to vouch for him and help out a friend. But Tuesday night’s report is the latest brushstroke in what, through Trump’s own doing, looks more and more like a cover-up.