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It’s not the cost of Pence’s trip that was galling. It was the preparation for it.

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Sunday’s NFL game between the San Francisco 49ers and the Indianapolis Colts was scheduled to begin at 1 p.m. Eastern time. By 1:24 p.m., Vice President Pence’s official Twitter account had posted this.

That graphic — complete with the appropriate social media information — was the tail end of a thread of tweets that conveyed the same message. The thread began at 1:08 p.m., without a typo to be found.

This reinforces the obvious conclusion that Pence’s appearance at the game and his well-coordinated exit from it was staged. It was a Colts-Niners game — pitting his home-state team against the team from the liberal hotbed where the players’ protests over racial violence began. Pence’s press pool was informed that, in essence, there probably wasn’t any reason for them to join him inside the stadium. Why get out of your press van when Pence would go in, take a quick patriotic picture, and leave?

[Trump says he directed Pence to walk out of game if 49ers protested during national anthem]

As President Trump said on Twitter on Monday morning, Pence’s trip to Indianapolis for this game was long-planned. An event that necessitated some modicum of effort and expense, for one reason: to reinforce the divide at the center of the protests, a divide that overlaps almost completely with racial politics.


An Indianapolis Colt player kneels on the field Oct. 1 during warm-ups before an NFL game against the Seattle Seahawks in Seattle. (Elaine Thompson/Associated Press)

A lot of emphasis has been placed on the cost of the trip, for understandable reasons. CNN figured that the flight alone cost about $200,000 on net — $242,500 in flying time from Las Vegas (where Pence was holding an event in the wake of the massacre there last week) and back to Los Angeles (where he had a political event scheduled). An Air Force Two flight from Vegas to L.A. alone would have cost about $45,000, so: about $200,000.

A spokesman for the vice president told The Washington Post in a statement that this was actually a cost savings, because Pence would otherwise have flown to D.C. for the night instead of Indianapolis. “Instead,” the statement read, “he made a shorter trip to Indiana for a game that was on his schedule for several weeks.”

But CNN’s analysis excludes a lot of other costs, of course. As the Indianapolis Star reported, Pence’s appearance introduced another level of security for fans attending the game, prompting the Colts to encourage people to show up early to navigate that security. That extra security cost extra money — as did Pence’s travel from the airport to the stadium and back.

There’s a ripple through a city whenever a president or vice president visits: street closures, added security, added nuisances. The full costs of those visits are probably incalculable, because they have effects beyond the places directly affected. In this case, it’s worth remembering that the ripple was for the purpose of allowing Pence to spend less than an hour at the stadium so he could spend 30 minutes bragging about his principled stand on social media.

A few hours after Pence’s stage-managed hand-wringing on Twitter — the digital equivalent of the disappointed head-shake he perfected on the campaign trail — Trump took to his favorite social-media platform to address a different subject.

“Nobody could have done what I’ve done for Puerto Rico with so little appreciation,” Trump said. “So much work!”

It was an odd tweet for a lot of reasons, including that it framed Trump, once again, as one of the victims of the ongoing disaster on that island. But it also reminded Americans that, as Pence was saving us money by not flying all the way across the country, federal authorities on the island were scrambling to pour resources into fixing a problem that, to some extent, resulted from a lack of adequate planning from the government.

The time of the president and vice president are valuable, and what they do and where they go reflect the things that are important to them. You can always scrounge up more money; you can’t create more time. And Trump’s visit to Puerto Rico last week lasted only a few more hours than Pence’s trip to Indianapolis. Of the 520-odd cumulative days that Trump and Pence have been in power, one was spent traveling to Puerto Rico and one was spent going to Indianapolis. Time is spent in other ways, too: As we’ve noted before, the president has spent a lot more of his time tweeting about the NFL than he has the devastation of Hurricane Maria.

Pence’s flight to Indianapolis was planned for weeks; his social-media response ready to go with a graphic immediately after he left the stadium. It’s an impressive level of preparation for an administration, as it turns out, focused on goading the president’s base into anger at black athletes.

The trip wasn’t free, and the idea that it was a cost savings is ridiculous. But the really galling aspect of Pence’s jaunt was that it demonstrated the sort of issue on which the administration is deliberate about having its act together.

Trump’s border wall is a nonstarter for Democrats. He knows that.

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When Democrats struck a tentative deal last month with the president to protect « dreamers » from deportations, they were skeptical that it would turn into anything real.

That skepticism was well founded. Either President Trump has changed his mind about shielding from deportation thousands of young undocumented immigrants in the country, or he never really wanted to do so in the first place. We know this because late Sunday, the administration released a wish list of immigration principles it wants in any deal. No. 1 is funding for a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.

Except, the wall is a manifestation of everything Democrats despise about Trump and his hard-line immigration stances, simplistic policy ideas and identity-focused politics. Basically, it’s a total nonstarter for Democrats and their base. Trump knows this well.

He has spent the better part of this year pushing his wall right up to the edge of negotiations with Congress, only to back off at the last minute because Democrats refused to budge. In April, Congress was up against a deadline to keep the government open. Trump wanted Congress to make a down payment to build his border wall. Senate Democrats threatened to filibuster any spending bill that funded it, which would effectively force the government to shut down on Republicans’ watch. Trump backed off.

The exact same scene played out in September’s budget negotiations: Trump demanded funding for a wall. Democrats threatened to walk away. Trump backed off.

Congressional leaders haven’t ruled out that Trump will ask for wall funding in December, when it’s time to pass yet another spending bill. They have no idea how serious he’ll be about fighting for it, but it’s a threat they have to take seriously because it’s one of the policy issues that could cause a government shutdown. And now, Trump is pulling out his wall card for this deal to give dreamers deportation protections that he, himself, is removing.

[Trump’s DACA deal with Democrats is already a hot mess]

“The administration can’t be serious about compromise or helping the Dreamers if they begin with a list that is anathema to the Dreamers, to the immigrant community and to the vast majority of Americans,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said in a joint statement Sunday evening, referring to the wish list.

 

Trump could be derailing a deal to protect dreamers for a wall that he hasn’t been serious about getting built. He’s not even pretending anymore that Mexico will pay for it. He has backed off every opportunity he has had to force Congress to include money for it. And he waffled on whether the wall was even seriously discussed when he and top Democrats announced their late-night September deal to protect dreamers.

Democratic leaders left the White House that Sunday night sure that a wall wasn’t part of any deal. White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders then said it was. Trump said the wall would come later. Then he said, « If there’s not a wall, we’re doing nothing. »

The whole deal devolved into murkiness that raised Democrats’ suspicions that they weren’t going to have a trustworthy negotiator on the other end of the table. Sure enough, there haven’t been any significant developments on a dreamer deal since then — until Sunday, a development that could very well end the deal.

The thing is, Trump has very few friends in Washington who want to help him build this wall. Mainstream Republicans don’t like the wall, either. Some of the more hard-line members of the party like the idea, but nearly every border Republican is opposed. They argue that money could be better spent on more technologically advanced border security tools.

[If Trump has backed off his border wall, it’s a new day in Washington]

Plus, using untold billions of dollars for building a wall along 1,900 miles of mostly desert — without a check from Mexico — would be a fiscally irresponsible thing to do for the party that thinks it’s the fiscally responsible one.

House Republicans voted through a $1.6 billion down payment this summer, and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) put out a flashy video championing it. But they did all of this knowing the wall was dead on arrival in the Senate and that they wouldn’t be forced to actually write that check.

It’s hard to overstate what a barrier Trump’s border wall has been for getting things done in Washington. It’s just as difficult to discern whether he’s serious about getting Congress to approve the wall. But by even bringing up the wall as part of a deal with Democrats, it’s pretty clear he doesn’t want to make one.

Dove ad that shows a black woman turning herself white sparks consumer backlash

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The Dove brand sheepishly admitted that it had “missed the mark” with a not-so-vaguely racist advertisement that has made it the latest target of consumer rage.

But many angry and befuddled Dove lovers spent the weekend wondering what mark Dove was trying to hit in the first place.

The ire-inducing advertisement was released Saturday afternoon. The first image shows a dark-skinned woman in what appears to be a bathroom, a bottle of Dove body wash in the lower right-hand corner of the picture.

In subsequent frames, the woman reaches down and lifts up her shirt (and apparently the rest of her skin/costume) to reveal a smiling white woman.

Offended Dove users erupted, and the company quickly apologized. But the two-sentence Twitter note and a slightly longer message on Facebook left it unclear what exactly the ad was trying to convey. Tweets capturing the video ad show the white woman removing her shirt to reveal a brown woman, but the most widely-circulated images just show frames of the black woman and the white woman.

Unilever, Dove’s parent company, did not respond to Washington Post requests for comment.

The vacuum of information was filled by people on social media who peppered the company with comments and rhetorical questions, none of them good.

Was Dove saying that inside every black woman is a smiling redheaded white woman? Was Dove invoking the centuries-old stereotype that black is dirty and white is pure? Or that black skin can or should be cleansed away?

And perhaps the biggest question of all: Did Dove really believe that the ad would make more people of color want to buy its products?

“What exactly were yall going for?,” one self-described Dove consumer said on the company’s Facebook page. “What was the mark . . . I mean anyone with eyes can see how offensive this is. Not one person on your staff objected to this? Wow. Will not be buying your products anymore.”

Others wondered whether the problem was a lack of diversity at Dove. They pointed to historical examples of racist ads about soap so good that it apparently washes the melanin right out of your skin.

The marketing conundrum is, of course, not limited to the 62-year-old maker of soaps and body washes.

Earlier this year, the German skin-care company Nivea was dinged for a deodorant ad that declared “White Is Purity.”

As The Washington Post’s Amy B Wang wrote, there was a loud outcry from consumers, who called the ad campaign “horrendous” and a “#prnightmare.” A white-supremacist group even posted on the company’s Facebook page: “We enthusiastically support this new direction your company is taking. I’m glad we can all agree that #WhiteIsPurity.”

Still, this weekend’s predicament was a curious one for Dove, a beauty company that has a 13-year-old marketing campaign centered on rejecting standard, racially insular notions of beauty in its commercials.

On its website, Dove touts the “Real Beauty Pledge,” a vow to feature “real women of different ages, sizes, ethnicities, hair color, type or style.”

[A black woman was accused of stealing — so this Victoria’s Secret kicked out all black customers]

It recently paid Shonda Rhimes to make mini films celebrating the theme. The producer and screenwriter has created several TV shows that feature minority women as lead characters.

In May, Rhimes produced a short film for Dove about the woman who started the “Fat Girls Dance” group.

“It’s incredible to watch these ladies go from scared fat girls to, you know, completely amazing warrior fat girls,” Cathleen Meredith says in the video. “I think the entire model of what beauty is needs to be thrown completely out and we need to start defining what beauty is for ourselves.”

Dove’s marketing campaign has been criticized by people who believe that feminism and women’s empowerment shouldn’t be used as marketing tools to persuade people to buy shower foam.

As Time wrote in 2013, “Beauty companies like Dove and Pantene capitalize on feminist messages to hawk you products they’ve convinced you need.”

The article went on to say:

One could argue that messages of gender equality are important enough that it doesn’t matter if they precede ad copy for a shampoo company. But that line of thinking conveniently misses the point, particularly when it’s beauty companies who are using feminism to sell products.

Brands like Dove and Pantene have made millions by preying on women’s insecurities and convincing them they need to buy products to meet societal standards of beauty: sure, you’re beautiful just the way you are, but use our products and you can be even more beautiful.

The ethics of feminism-centered marketing campaigns aside, Saturday’s ad was not the first time Dove’s users felt that it had missed the mark.

In May, Dove released six limited-edition bottles of body wash in British markets — some squat and curvy, some tall and lean — that were meant to represent variations of the female form. It advertised the bottles using the phrase “beauty breaks the mould.”

As Jess Zimmerman wrote in The Post, most consumers found the bottles, well, dumb:

“Dove’s new packaging raises a number of questions: Do all the bottles have the same amount of product?” she wrote. “Are you supposed to buy the one that looks like you? Are you allowed to buy the ones that don’t look like you? Are we gearing up for a “Divergent”-style dystopia in which society is divided according to soap format?”

And Zimmerman expressed the same confusion that irate Dove users had this weekend.

“But the most important question is: What, exactly, is the point supposed to be?”

This post has been updated. 

Read more:

Even a video game’s ‘Make America Nazi-free Again’ slogan ticked some people off

Who betrayed Anne Frank? Artificial intelligence could finally solve the mystery.

A teen spread a racist video of a black classmate eating chicken. Both face criminal charges.

For Deal on ‘Dreamers,’ White House Will Demand Crackdown on Child Border Crossers

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Taken together, the proposals amount to a wish list for immigration hard-liners inside the White House, including Stephen Miller, the president’s top policy adviser, who has long advocated extremely aggressive efforts to prevent illegal entry into the country and crack down on undocumented immigrants already here.

The White House immigration priorities — which will be delivered to Capitol Hill in the coming week — have the potential to scuttle the effort by Mr. Trump and Democrats to reach an agreement on protecting the Dreamers. Immigration activists have long opposed many of the White House proposals as draconian or even racist, and they would most likely urge Democratic leaders to refuse a deal that included them.

But immigration rights advocates are also under pressure to do something for the Dreamers, and privately, many advocates have acknowledged that a negotiated deal with the Republican president is likely to include some increases in security at the border and other immigration changes.

The possibility of a deal emerged shortly after the president ended the DACA program early last month. But even as Mr. Trump kept his campaign promise to halt what he had described as “one of the most unconstitutional actions ever undertaken by a president,” he quickly added that he would work with Democrats in Congress to replace the executive policy with legislation.

“The president’s position has been that he’s called on Congress to come up with a permanent solution and a fix to this process,” Sarah Sanders, the White House press secretary, said last week of the effort to help Dreamers.

It is unclear whether Mr. Trump views Sunday’s list of immigration demands as absolute requirements for an agreement or the beginning of a negotiation.

But conservatives in Mr. Trump’s administration, many of whom were advocates of his hard-line immigration rhetoric during the 2016 campaign, are clearly maneuvering to ensure that any deal on the Dreamers also results in passage of the tough immigration enforcement measures and border security enhancements that they have been seeking in Congress for decades.

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A key part of the administration’s demands is the insistence that something be done about tens of thousands of children who have surged across the border with Mexico during the past several years, many of them seeking to escape gang-related violence in Central American countries. In 2014, about 60,000 children crossed the border without their parents.

Administration officials say the children — many of whom are sent by their parents to live with a cousin, aunt, uncle or sibling who is already living in the United States — must be turned back or quickly deported once they arrive. Under current law, many of them remain in the United States for years during legal proceedings to evaluate their asylum or refugee claims.

If the children are not deported quickly, officials say, many will never leave, eventually becoming a new population of sympathetic young immigrants who seek amnesty to live and work in the United States legally. That could create a never-ending cycle in which illegal immigrants demand to be given a legal status, the officials say.

They argue that allowing the children to stay in the United States simply encourages more to make the journey, believing — accurately in many cases — that they will not be returned home.

The document to be released on Sunday will endorse specific ideas to accomplish the president’s goals: It will call for new rules that say children are not considered “unaccompanied” at the border if they have a parent or guardian somewhere in the United States. They will also propose treating children from Central America the same way they do children from Mexico, who can be repatriated more quickly, with fewer rights to hearings.

Mr. Trump will also call in the document for a surge in resources to pay for immigration judges and lawyers and more detention space so that children arriving at the border can be held, processed and quickly returned if they do not qualify to stay longer.

Critics say the focus on deporting unaccompanied children is heartless and impractical. They say many of the children were sent by their parents on long, dangerous treks across Mexico in the hopes of avoiding poverty, hunger, abuse or death by gangs in their home countries.

A court settlement and a bipartisan anti-trafficking federal law passed in 2008 give the children certain rights when they arrive and require the government to give immigrant children a court hearing to determine the validity of the dangers they are said to face at home. But a shortage of judges and other resources has created a yearslong backlog in those cases. In the meantime, most are eventually relocated to family members or foster homes in the United States while they await their hearings.

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Groups that advocate on behalf of the children trying to cross the border say that many of them are not represented by lawyers as they seek to prove in court that their lives and welfare would be threatened if they returned home. Those who do have lawyers are often granted the right to stay permanently in the United States, and eventually apply for citizenship.

Advocates acknowledge that more resources are necessary to speed up those hearings. But they argue that White House efforts to demand quick decisions are likely to merely result in many children being sent back to places where they are raped, beaten or killed.

Sending the children back with just a cursory hearing is “a recipe for disaster in terms of returning people to danger,” said Wendy Young, the president of Kids in Need of Defense, a group that aids young refugees.

Democrats and immigration activists are certain to assail the White House proposal on dealing with Central American children as something they cannot support and little more than a thinly veiled effort to scuttle negotiations between the president and the Democrats even before they begin.

“Promoting the protection of one group of young people at the expense of another is absolutely unacceptable and a nonstarter,” Ms. Young said in a statement.

Some activists have been pressing Democratic leaders not to make any concessions to Republicans. They are urging passage of a “clean” bill that would protect the young immigrants without accepting any new enforcement of immigration laws.

That appears unlikely to win support in the Republican-controlled Congress. But the White House call for an immigration crackdown could also split the Republican Party, where a handful of lawmakers are pushing for a compromise that would include only modest increases in immigration enforcement at the border in exchange for protecting the Dreamers.

Senator Jeff Flake, Republican of Arizona, on Thursday proposed legislation that would protect the immigrants in exchange for much less aggressive enforcement efforts: $1.6 billion in funding for border security measures and new efforts to crack down on members of gangs like MS-13 for deportation.


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Harvey Weinstein Forced Out of His Own Company

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Harvey Weinstein has been fired from the independent film company he co-founded and catapulted to Oscar glory, felled by a mushrooming sexual harassment scandal that has hobbled his status as a media mogul and left his future in Hollywood in jeopardy. The Weinstein Company’s board of directors has voted to remove Weinstein from the studio, leaving control of the company in the hands of Weinstein’s brother, Bob Weinstein, and chief operating officer David Glasser, it was announced in a statement from the company Sunday.

“In light of new information about misconduct by Harvey Weinstein that has emerged in the past few days, the directors of The Weinstein Company — Robert Weinstein, Lance Maerov, Richard Koenigsberg and Tarak Ben Ammar — have determined, and have informed Harvey Weinstein, that his employment with The Weinstein Company is terminated, effective immediately,” the statement reads.

Weinstein has been rocked by a devastating New York Times report documenting decades of legal settlements stemming from sexual harassment allegations leveled by former employees and associates, as well as accusations of improper sexual advances from actress Ashley Judd. The allegations extend back to Weinstein’s days running Miramax, an independent film studio that was then owned by the Walt Disney Co.

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It is a stunning fall from power for the mogul, whose tenacity and ruthlessness put him at the nexus of Hollywood, Wall Street, and the Beltway. Not just a movie producer, Weinstein was also a political player and major force in New York City and Hollywood’s cultural and corporate life. The scandal is the latest in a long line of entertainers and moguls, from Roger Ailes to Bill O’Reilly to Bill Cosby, who have been brought low by accusations of sexual harassment or misconduct.

Weinstein did not agree to leave the company, and there is no financial settlement in place, according to an insider. He has been fired for cause after the board met on Sunday. Weinstein controls roughly 20% of the company.

On Friday, the Weinstein Company board suspended Weinstein and said there would be an internal investigation headed by attorney John Kiernan of the firm Debevoise Plimpton LLP. The investigation will continue despite the fact that Weinstein has been fired.

As the crisis worsened, Weinstein lost key allies. His attorney Lisa Bloom resigned on Saturday, as did his advisor Lanny Davis, a former White House hand to Bill Clinton. One third of the all-male board quit on Friday, including billionaire investors Marc Lasry and Dirk Ziff, and Technicolor executive Tim Sarnoff. Weinstein was said to be furiously resisting efforts to force him out permanently.

New accusers have also come forward, including Lauren Sivan, a former Fox News reporter and a reporter at KTTV, who said Weinstein once masturbated in front of her after cornering her in a restaurant. On Sunday, U.K. freelance writer Liza Campbell said Weinstein asked her to jump in a bath with him when she showed up to his hotel for a business meeting.

He has also struggled with forming a coherent response, veering from contrition to combativeness. An initial statement to the Times acknowledged past mistakes, while pledging to reform himself. Shortly after, Weinstein’s attorney Charles Harder said he was preparing to sue the paper, accusing it of making “false and defamatory statements.” Weinstein also said he was taking a leave of absence, only to continue appearing at work. The board later forced him to take an indefinite leave on Friday.

Bob Weinstein and Glasser had been pushing for Weinstein to leave the company, believing he threatened the studio’s ability to continue to attract top talent and to release film and television shows. Weinstein maintained that he could weather the crisis and re-emerge as a player in Hollywood.

However, he quickly found himself without support in the entertainment industry. Prominent actors such as Seth Rogen, Lena Dunham, Brie Larson, and Judd Apatow have voiced support for Weinstein’s accusers while condemning Weinstein. Meanwhile, prominent Democrats such as Elizabeth Warren, Cory Booker, and Patrick Leahy have distanced themselves from Weinstein, channeling his political donations to charity. Members of the creative community and talent agencies told Weinstein executives that they would continue to work with the company provided Harvey Weinstein was ousted, according to an insider.

Weinstein has been a major force in independent film for decades, helping bring art house movies such as “Cinema Paradiso” and “The Crying Game” to mass audiences, and propelling the likes of “Pulp Fiction” and “Shakespeare in Love” to commercial success and awards glory.

 

Source: Las Vegas shooter left behind calculations for targeting crowd

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By Jason Hanna, Steve Almasy, Euan McKirdy and Matt Rehbein, CNN

Updated 9:08 PM ET, Sat October 7, 2017

Chat with us in Facebook Messenger. Find out what’s happening in the world as it unfolds.

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CNN’s u003ca href= »http://www.cnn.com/profiles/brian-todd-profile » target= »_blank »Brian Toddu003c/a reports. »},{« title »: »Girlfriend’s sisters: Paddock sent her away », »duration »: »03:11″, »sourceName »: »CNN », »sourceLink »: »http://www.cnn.com/ », »videoCMSUrl »: »/video/data/3.0/video/us/2017/10/04/las-vegas-marilou-danley-sisters-speak-casarez-newday.cnn/index.xml », »videoId »: »us/2017/10/04/las-vegas-marilou-danley-sisters-speak-casarez-newday.cnn », »videoImage »: »//i2.cdn.cnn.com/cnnnext/dam/assets/171004011320-marilou-danley-alt-large-169.jpg », »videoUrl »: »/videos/us/2017/10/04/las-vegas-marilou-danley-sisters-speak-casarez-newday.cnn/video/playlists/las-vegas-strip-shooting/ », »description »: »The sisters of Marilou Danley, the girlfriend of Las Vegas shooter Stephen Paddock, say she was « sent away » before Paddock carried out his massacre at a music festival. 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flee », »duration »: »01:41″, »sourceName »: »CNN », »sourceLink »: » », »videoCMSUrl »: »/video/data/3.0/video/world/2017/10/02/vegas-mass-shooting-what-happened-lon-orig-mkd.cnn/index.xml », »videoId »: »world/2017/10/02/vegas-mass-shooting-what-happened-lon-orig-mkd.cnn », »videoImage »: »//i2.cdn.cnn.com/cnnnext/dam/assets/171002122519-30-las-vegas-incident-1002-large-169.jpg », »videoUrl »: »/videos/world/2017/10/02/vegas-mass-shooting-what-happened-lon-orig-mkd.cnn/video/playlists/las-vegas-strip-shooting/ », »description »: »At least 58 people were killed and hundreds were injured after a mass shooting at a country music festival in Las Vegas. « , »descriptionText »: »At least 58 people were killed and hundreds were injured after a mass shooting at a country music festival in Las Vegas. « },{« title »: »Audio: Officers blast through shooter’s door 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(CNN)A handwritten note in Stephen Paddock’s hotel room contained calculations pertaining to the distance and trajectory from his 32nd-floor window to the crowd of concertgoers he targeted below, according to a law enforcement source with knowledge of the investigation.

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parent container Id of the video element*/function findNextVideo(currentVideoId) {var i,vidObj;if (currentVideoId jQuery.isArray(currentVideoCollection) currentVideoCollection.length 0) {for (i = 0; i 0) {videoEndSlateImpl.showEndSlateForContainer();}}}callbackObj = {onPlayerReady: function (containerId) {CNN.VideoPlayer.reportLoadTime(containerId);CNN.VideoPlayer.handleInitialExpandableVideoState(containerId);CNN.VideoPlayer.handleAdOnCVPVisibilityChange(containerId, CNN.pageVis.isDocumentVisible());if (Modernizr !Modernizr.phone !Modernizr.mobile !Modernizr.tablet) {var containerClassId = ‘#’ + containerId;if (jQuery(containerClassId).parents(‘.js-pg-rail-tall__head’).length) {videoPinner = new CNN.VideoPinner(containerClassId);videoPinner.init();} else {CNN.VideoPlayer.hideThumbnail(containerId);}}},/** Listen to the metadata event which fires right after the ad ends and the actual video playback begins*/onContentEntryLoad: function(containerId, playerId, contentid, isQueue) {CNN.VideoPlayer.showSpinner(containerId);},onContentMetadata: function (containerId, playerId, metadata, contentId, duration, width, height) {var endSlateLen = jQuery(document.getElementById(containerId)).parent().find(‘.js-video__end-slate’).eq(0).length;CNN.VideoSourceUtils.updateSource(containerId, metadata);if (endSlateLen 0) {videoEndSlateImpl.fetchAndShowRecommendedVideos(metadata);}},onAdPlay: function (containerId, cvpId, token, mode, id, duration, blockId, adType) {clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);if (Modernizr !Modernizr.phone !Modernizr.mobile !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);videoPinner.animateDown();}}},onTrackingFullscreen: function (containerId, PlayerId, dataObj) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleFullscreenChange(containerId, dataObj);},onContentPlay: function (containerId, cvpId, event) {var playerInstance,prevVideoId;/** When the video content starts playing, inject analytics data* for Aspen (if enabled) and the companion ad layout* (if it was set when the ad played) should switch back to* epic ad layout. onContentPlay calls updateCompanionLayout* with the ‘restoreEpicAds’ layout to make this switch*/if (CNN.companion typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘restoreEpicAds’);}clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);if (CNN.VideoPlayer.getLibraryName(containerId) === ‘fave’) {playerInstance = FAVE.player.getInstance(containerId) || null;} else {playerInstance = containerId window.cnnVideoManager.getPlayerByContainer(containerId).videoInstance.cvp || null;}prevVideoId = (window.jsmd window.jsmd.v (window.jsmd.v.eVar18 || window.jsmd.v.eVar4)) ||  »;if (playerInstance typeof playerInstance.reportAnalytics === ‘function’) {if (prevVideoId.length === 0 document.referrer document.referrer.search(//videos//) = 0) {prevVideoId = document.referrer.replace(/^(?:http|https)://[^/]/videos/(.+.w+)(?:/video/playlists/.*)?$/, ‘/video/$1’);if (prevVideoId === document.referrer) {prevVideoId =  »;}}playerInstance.reportAnalytics(‘videoPageData’, {videoCollection: currentVideoCollectionId,videoBranding: CNN.omniture.branding_content_page,templateType: CNN.omniture.template_type,nextVideo: nextVideoId,previousVideo: prevVideoId,referrerType:  »,referrerUrl: document.referrer});}if (Modernizr !Modernizr.phone !Modernizr.mobile !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);videoPinner.animateDown();}}},onContentReplayRequest: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (Modernizr !Modernizr.phone !Modernizr.mobile !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);var $endSlate = jQuery(document.getElementById(containerId)).parent().find(‘.js-video__end-slate’).eq(0);if ($endSlate.length 0) {$endSlate.removeClass(‘video__end-slate–active’).addClass(‘video__end-slate–inactive’);}}}},onContentBegin: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {CNN.VideoPlayer.mutePlayer(containerId);if (CNN.companion typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘removeEpicAds’);}CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoSourceUtils.clearSource(containerId);jQuery(document).triggerVideoContentStarted();},onContentComplete: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (CNN.companion typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘restoreFreewheel’);}navigateToNextVideo(contentId, containerId);},onContentEnd: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (Modernizr !Modernizr.phone !Modernizr.mobile !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(false);}}},onCVPVisibilityChange: function (containerId, cvpId, visible) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleAdOnCVPVisibilityChange(containerId, visible);}};if (typeof configObj.context !== ‘string’ || configObj.context.length 0) {configObj.adsection = window.ssid;}CNN.autoPlayVideoExist = (CNN.autoPlayVideoExist === true) ? true : false;CNN.VideoPlayer.getLibrary(configObj, callbackObj, isLivePlayer);});/* videodemanddust is a default feature of the injector */CNN.INJECTOR.scriptComplete(‘videodemanddust’);MUST WATCH

CNN’s Dave Alsup, Chris Boyette, Brian Todd, Kyung Lah, Evan Perez, Scott McLean, Sara Weisfeldt and Sheena Jones contributed to this report.

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